the enemy’s messenger – Euractiv

The recognition of Telegram amongst Ukrainians, a messenger created by Russians, was trigger for concern even earlier than Pavel Durov’s arrest in Paris, however the public debate in Ukraine about what to do with the enemy’s messenger has since gained new momentum.

European international locations are elevating questions over Telegram’s lack of content material moderation and its failure to forestall teams corresponding to ISIS or Hezbollah from speaking by the app. Ukraine ought to be much more involved, as Telegram is the principle platform for Russian navy communication and for Ukrainians to attach and skim information.

In line with the outcomes of the sociological survey “Media Consumption of Ukrainians: The Third 12 months of Full-Scale Warfare” carried out with the assist of USAID and commissioned by the civil community OPORA in June 2024, 73.4% of Ukrainians use social media as a supply of reports, with Telegram the preferred (78.1%), forward of YouTube (59.5%) and Fb (44.6%).

Telegram hosts official channels run by the Ukrainian authorities, politicians, and the navy, in addition to channels that observe the safety state of affairs within the Ukrainian sky and on the entrance traces.

Ukrainians are utilizing Telegram to gather cash for the military, and a few channels initially of the invasion might accumulate thousands and thousands of hryvnias in only a few minutes.

To not point out the quite a few communication channels between households or on particular themes, corresponding to for e-book lovers. Telegram has performed a big position within the lives of Ukrainians throughout the struggle.

And Ukrainians not solely learn but in addition consider the knowledge revealed on Telegram. In line with a survey carried out by the Kyiv Worldwide Institute of Sociology (KIIS) and commissioned by the Ukrainian Institute of Media and Communication, most Ukrainians mentioned they don’t confirm the knowledge revealed by Telegram channels.

On the similar time, Telegram is the principle channel of communication between members of the Russian navy, which was confirmed by the Russians themselves when Durov was arrested and the potential of the platform’s disappearance emerged.

Russian blogger and Moscow Metropolis Duma deputy Andrei Medvedev has been writing about Telegram since Durov’s arrest. “In reality, it’s the important messenger of the present struggle. It’s a substitute for closed navy communications. In all probability, to any extent further, the problem of making a navy messenger for our military turns into important,” he says.

Telegram can also be the Kremlin’s important device for spreading disinformation and offering data operations, together with in some occupied areas.

In reality, as quickly as Ukrainians stopped utilizing Vkontakte, one other Russian platform that was banned in Ukraine in 2017, some switched to Telegram, which was gaining recognition on the time. And now, the messenger created by Russians and utilized by Russians is likely one of the important communication channels for Ukrainians.

“To place it bluntly, Telegram is a menace to our nationwide safety. I’m saying this positively immediately, and we have now even documented it,” mentioned Kyrylo Budanov, head of the Defence Intelligence of Ukraine.

So, what ought to be completed? After discussions on the necessity to ban Telegram started, Ukrainians had been additionally requested what they thought.

Ukrainians agree with their authorities in regards to the seriousness of the menace – 71% of respondents consider that the unfold of Russian disinformation and propaganda on social media is a reasonably or very severe menace, in keeping with a survey by the Kyiv Worldwide Institute of Sociology (KIIS), carried out on 1-6 September 2024).

As for the perspective in direction of a ban on Telegram in Ukraine, opinions differ, with solely 9% of Ukrainians supporting a whole ban. Nonetheless, 54% agree that sure restrictions and controls ought to be launched – blocking some particular person Telegram channels. A ban or restrictions is opposed by 26% of Ukrainians, in keeping with the identical survey.

Numerous specialists say {that a} full ban could be unattainable to implement, and will even be dangerous.

Andriy Kovalenko, head of the Centre for Countering Disinformation in Ukraine, notes {that a} hasty resolution might do extra hurt than good, because the platform is a crucial supply of data for Ukrainian intelligence.

In his opinion, the ban ought to be accompanied by different options that won’t pose a menace to the actions of Ukrainian intelligence.

The Ukrainian authorities are taking extremely cautious steps on this course. Within the spring of 2024, a invoice was registered in parliament that bans using Telegram for civil servants on work units. This methodology is utilized in many international locations, corresponding to the USA.

At some ranges, Ukrainian media determined to cease any communication by Telegram on their very own, setting an instance to their viewers that it’s harmful.

Hromadske Radio is amongst these media retailers. Its editor-in-chief, Viktoriia Yermolaeva, burdened the significance of their stance, noting that the one method to fight disinformation is to indicate that there are different, safer platforms for receiving verified data.

“We’ve got obtained plenty of optimistic suggestions from each our colleagues from media organisations and our viewers” from the choice to go away Telegram, she emphasised.

Though public refusal of media or different organizations to make use of Telegram continues to be uncommon, it provides to the general public debate that the state of affairs with Telegram can’t be left as it’s now in Ukraine, and at the least some regulation is required.

As soon as upon a time, blocking Vkontakte or blocking Russian media in Ukraine appeared unrealistic, however immediately the very low proportion of Ukrainians who nonetheless use these sources speaks for itself.

This text is a part of the FREIHEIT media venture on Europe’s Neighbourhood, funded by the European Media and Data Fund (EMIF).

[Edited by Alexandra Brzozowski/Owen Morgan]

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